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These days exhibit a very distinctive phenomenon: the inaugural US march of the caretakers. They vary in their qualifications and attributes, but they all share the common goal – to avert an Israeli infringement, or even demolition, of the fragile ceasefire. Since the hostilities finished, there have been few days without at least one of the former president's representatives on the territory. Just recently included the likes of Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, JD Vance and Marco Rubio – all appearing to execute their duties.

Israel engages them fully. In only a few days it initiated a wave of operations in Gaza after the deaths of a pair of Israeli military personnel – leading, as reported, in many of local fatalities. Multiple officials demanded a restart of the fighting, and the Israeli parliament approved a preliminary decision to annex the occupied territories. The American stance was somewhere between “no” and “hell no.”

But in more than one sense, the American government appears more intent on preserving the existing, uneasy period of the truce than on advancing to the next: the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. Regarding this, it seems the United States may have goals but little concrete plans.

At present, it is unclear when the suggested multinational governing body will effectively take power, and the identical applies to the appointed military contingent – or even the composition of its soldiers. On Tuesday, Vance said the United States would not impose the membership of the international unit on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's government persists to refuse various proposals – as it did with the Ankara's proposal recently – what follows? There is also the contrary question: which party will determine whether the units favoured by Israel are even willing in the task?

The question of the timeframe it will take to disarm Hamas is equally vague. “The expectation in the government is that the international security force is will at this point take the lead in neutralizing Hamas,” said Vance this week. “It’s may need a period.” Trump further highlighted the uncertainty, declaring in an conversation on Sunday that there is no “rigid” timeline for Hamas to disarm. So, hypothetically, the unidentified elements of this yet-to-be-formed international force could deploy to Gaza while Hamas members continue to wield influence. Would they be confronting a leadership or a militant faction? These are just a few of the questions emerging. Others might wonder what the outcome will be for ordinary residents under current conditions, with Hamas continuing to target its own adversaries and critics.

Current incidents have afresh highlighted the blind spots of local media coverage on both sides of the Gazan frontier. Every publication attempts to scrutinize every possible angle of the group's infractions of the ceasefire. And, usually, the reality that the organization has been stalling the return of the bodies of slain Israeli hostages has taken over the news.

On the other hand, reporting of non-combatant deaths in Gaza caused by Israeli operations has garnered little focus – or none. Consider the Israeli response actions after Sunday’s southern Gaza incident, in which a pair of soldiers were killed. While Gaza’s sources claimed 44 fatalities, Israeli media commentators complained about the “light response,” which hit solely facilities.

That is nothing new. During the previous few days, the information bureau charged Israeli forces of infringing the peace with the group multiple occasions after the truce began, resulting in the loss of 38 Palestinians and injuring another many more. The claim was unimportant to most Israeli reporting – it was just absent. Even accounts that eleven members of a local household were fatally shot by Israeli soldiers recently.

Gaza’s rescue organization reported the group had been attempting to return to their residence in the Zeitoun area of Gaza City when the bus they were in was fired upon for supposedly going over the “yellow line” that defines territories under Israeli military authority. This yellow line is not visible to the naked eye and appears solely on maps and in authoritative documents – often not obtainable to everyday people in the area.

Even this event scarcely got a mention in Israeli news outlets. A major outlet referred to it briefly on its digital site, quoting an IDF official who said that after a questionable car was spotted, soldiers discharged cautionary rounds towards it, “but the vehicle persisted to move toward the soldiers in a manner that caused an direct danger to them. The soldiers engaged to eliminate the risk, in compliance with the agreement.” No casualties were reported.

With such narrative, it is little wonder numerous Israelis think Hamas solely is to blame for infringing the ceasefire. That perception risks encouraging demands for a stronger stance in Gaza.

At some point – possibly in the near future – it will not be sufficient for US envoys to play kindergarten teachers, advising Israel what to refrain from. They will {have to|need